Indigo Insights

Tuesday, June 22, 2004
 
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
-- John F. Kennedy


A perfect summer day is when the sun is shining, the breeze is blowing, the birds are singing, and the lawn mower is broken.
-- James Dent



~~ MAIL BOX ~~
Courtesy of The Sailor In the Desert, here is the Patrick Henry speech in its entirety. (following up on the June 16 Patrick Henry reference)


Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism,
as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who
have just addressed the House. But different men often
see the same subject in different lights; and,
therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful
to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions
of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak
forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This
is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House
is one of awful moment to this country. For my own
part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of
freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude
of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate.
It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at
truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we
hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my
opinions at such a time, through fear of giving
offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason
towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward
the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all
earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the
illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against
a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren
till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part
of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle
for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of
those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears,
hear not, the things which so nearly concern their
temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of
spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole
truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and
that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of
judging of the future but by the past. And judging by
the past, I wish to know what there has been in the
conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years
to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been
pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that
insidious smile with which our petition has been
lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a
snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be
betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious
reception of our petition comports with those warlike
preparations which cover our waters and darken our
land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of
love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so
unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called
in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves,
sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation;
the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask
gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its
purpose be not to force us to submission? Can
gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has
Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world,
to call for all this accumulation of navies and
armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us:
they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to
bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British
ministry have been so long forging. And what have we
to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have
been trying that for the last ten years. Have we
anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We
have held the subject up in every light of which it is
capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort
to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall
we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us
not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we
have done everything that could be done to avert the
storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we
have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have
prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have
implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical
hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions
have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced
additional violence and insult; our supplications have
been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with
contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after
these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace
and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for
hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve
inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we
have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to
abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so
long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves
never to abandon until the glorious object of our
contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it,
sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God
of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope
with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be
stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year?
Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a
British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall
we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall
we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying
supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom
of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand
and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use
of those means which the God of nature hath placed in
our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy
cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which
we possess, are invincible by any force which our
enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not
fight our battles alone. There is a just God who
presides over the destinies of nations, and who will
raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The
battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the
vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have
no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it
is now too late to retire from the contest. There is
no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains
are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains
of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I
repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen
may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war
is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the
north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding
arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand
we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What
would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet,
as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?
Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others
may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me
death!


That is one researching and pasting Sailor!
Thanks, matey.